The report released this November 14, by the NGO Freedom House, said that there is an improvement of people’s self-perception in China against the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Freedom House shared the incidents in Xi’an, when hundreds of residents protested in the street against a new school redistricting policy.
And it also highlighted incidents in Chongqing, when hundreds of homebuyers occupied a real estate developer’s sales center and a construction site over the unfinished housing project.
Freedom House collected incidents such as that of a dozen residents in a community in Shenyang, who took to the streets against the “zero-COVID” policy.
It also reported on the riots of Xiaowang villagers in Taiyuan, who blocked a highway in July 2022, in the face of government officials’ corruption.
Likewise, the decentralized movement of “complaints in real name,” where citizens showed their real IDs in the face of corruption and abuse of power through 61 demonstrations in 17 provinces and 35 cities in June, went viral because of this report.
Freedom House actually recorded 668 cases of dissent in China between June and September. In a quarter (168) citizens who organized against the CCP were retaliated against.
The CCP has become more repressive
While the Chinese regime is said to have contained the COVID pandemic quite well, the evidence shows otherwise, as the regime used the pandemic to justify greater citizen control, and served to repress the rise of the opposition movement in China.
Another classic example of China’s transition from authoritarianism to totalitarianism is the new regulations on the internet and mobile applications used by fringe groups to monitor and denounce communist elitists.
What was the CCP’s reaction to these citizen movements on networks? The Party responded with 20 million Chinese volunteers writing pro-communist speeches on social networks, and another 2 million paid by the Party apparatus.
There has been a significant increase in the persecution of the Uyghur minority and Falun Dafa practitioners, and there is conclusive evidence of forced organ harvesting from Falun Gong practitioners to supply the large organ transplant market.
International reports show that political rights in China are violated. And what is the political structure of the country? The National People’s Congress (NPC) formally elects the head of the country for a five-year term and confirms the prime minister, but the nominating assemblies for both positions are controlled by the Communist Party. And remember China is a one party state.
It is decidedly the Standing Committee of the CCP Politburo, composed of seven Party senior members who decide the official for each post. The NPC approved amendments to the country’s constitution that abolished the two-term limit for the presidency and vice presidency of the Communist Party.
How does the CCP suppress the people?
There is a direct mechanism starring the police, for example, in this quarter from June to September, Guangzhou’s “urban villages” were blockaded by paramilitary troops, which have provoked key conflicts to justify the dismantling of these villages out of CCP control.
Another example is the strategy of the China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission that moved the savings of dissidents with more than 50,000 yuan to rural banks in Henan province. This decentralization responds to the principle of “divide and conquer.”
However, although the CCP has been building a stability system for years, the law of entropy is doing its thing, Dissent.com online research showed.
Kevin Slaten, research lead at China Dissent Monitor said, “Dissent.com’s research proves that the CCP has built a deep system of stability over the years in order to suppress collective action and protest, the Chinese people often use multiple modes of protest to fight for their own rights or those of their communities.”
According to Slaten, there were “from June to September this year a total of 668 protests in China. Of those, 636 occurred online. At least 8,700 people participated in the protests, with a total of 75 dissidents imprisoned.
In the construction sector, companies and local governments endured 214 reported cases of disruption of order and the “zero-COVID” policy produced an increase of 37 more protests.
Beijing had the highest number of incidents, with 77 riots. According to Slaten, “It is worth noting that the vast majority of these hundreds of protests were directed at powerful corporations or local governments, and did not directly challenge the one-party system of government.”
He continued, “Even so, the CCP systematically suppressed the protests in the eyes of the people, even corporations or local authorities were treated as a threat.”
Due to the CCP’s control of information and media censorship, the actual frequency of protests should be much higher than the data.
Zhou Fengsuo, one of the representatives of the Tiananmen Square democracy movement of 1989, said, “After the “Sitong Bridge” incident, more and more people were encouraged to stand up, people’s anger can no longer be contained and it feels like standing on a volcano.”
He went on, “China is based on humiliation and obedience, however at this moment many people want to pretend that the years are quiet, but it is no longer possible, contrary to what the CCP would like the world to believe, Chinese people everywhere are standing up to Beijing’s censorship and repression machinery to make their voices heard.”